Trump's National Guard deployments strengthen amid legal resistance

Contributing sentiments towards policy:

58% : "In those days, state and local police and state National Guard troops refused to enforce the Supreme Court's order against segregation -- Governor Orval Farbus even used Arkansas National Guard troops to block the students' entry into school," Shu said.
54% : The Justice Department is due to file its next brief in the Illinois lawsuit by Wednesday evening, followed by oral arguments in the Oregon appeal Thursday morning and in the California case later this month, a trio of legal proceedings that could define how far Trump can go in deploying federal troops inside states that refuse to cooperate with his immigration enforcement agenda.
52% : Shu emphasized that the president legally may send the National Guard to protect federal interests, such as ICE or DHS facilities, but not to patrol local streets or assume civilian policing duties.
50% : The government has until Wednesday at midnight to file its response, indicating that the goal of sending troops to the crime-ridden city, an idea Trump has floated since the summer, can at least begin to materialize until any further action by the court.
50% : A statutory maze adds to the uncertainty Even as Trump gains momentum in the courts, he floated the idea this week of invoking the Insurrection Act to circumvent jurisdictions where lawsuits have gummed up his ability to send the National Guard where it's needed.
50% : If JFK -- a Democrat -- can send in the XVIII Airborne Corps and place about 30,000 troops on standby in order to escort one guy -- James Meredith -- onto Ole Miss, then Trump can certainly send the Guard to protect ICE agents and other federal personnel who are just doing what the law commands them to do -- their jobs," Shu added.
47% : "Anyone who believes that it was kay for Eisenhower and JFK to send both National Guard and active Army troops in 1957 and 1962 to enforce federal law and federal interests, then, to be intellectually consistent, he or she has to also think that it is okay for Trump to do the same," said Shu, referring to the 1957 Little Rock, Arkansas and 1962 Oxford, Mississippi desegregation crises, when presidents from both parties deployed active troops and federalized state national guards to enforce federal law over the objections of Democratic governors.
43% : Meanwhile, Johnson escalated his opposition by signing an executive order barring Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents from operating on city-owned property.
38% : That distinction has fueled disputes in states such as Oregon and California, where governors argue that their Guard members cannot be deployed for federal immigration or riot-control operations without state consent.
38% : "Here, Oregon does not consent to the deployment of Oregon National Guard members," lawyers for the state wrote in their complaint against the deployment of 200 Portland National Guard troops to federal immigration facilities in downtown Portland.
36% : " There are several overlapping provisions of the Insurrection Act, the Posse Comitatus Act, and Title 10 of the U.S. Code, which can create ambiguity over where presidential power begins and state control ends.
35% : Trump's moves follow weeks of agitation and unrest by protesters at Immigration and Customs Enforcement facilities and around personnel conducting immigration removal efforts, which the administration has said threatens the safety of federal agents and the surrounding areas.
28% : In September, U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer held that Trump's use of National Guard troops in Los Angeles violated the Posse Comitatus Act, issuing an injunction temporarily blocking further activity.
26% : Shu warned that invoking the Insurrection Act likely would be a political and legal mistake for President Trump, even though President Kennedy did in 1962.
24% : "President Trump definitely does not want to do that at this point, for both political and legal reasons," Shu said.

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